FOLLOWING the planned transition to civilian administration in 1999 by the Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar regime in 1998, the dismal human and democratic rights records of the military dictator, the late Gen. Sani Abacha, a group of politicians, under the auspices of the All Politicians Summit, convened a meeting in 1997 to fashion a way out of the quagmire.
But the group, led by former Vice President, Dr. Alex Ekwueme, was brutally haunted by Abacha security agents.
Soon, a group of 18, and later 34, political leaders dared the junta to form the G-34, which later became rallying point of the associations that metamorphosed into the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).
Article 14 of the party’s constitution specifies tenure of office for all elected executives at all levels. The national chairman, for example, is entitled for a four-year term, renewable by re-election, at the national convention.
But since 1999, no chairman had ever completed his tenure, let alone re-contest, as the party’s leadership, especially at the national level, has been dogged by intrigues, horse-trading and scheming, all in an attempt by successive Presidents to have their way and pocket the party’s structures.
The substantive chairmen were the late Solomon Lar, Barnabas Gemade (now senator), Audu Ogbeh, Ahmadu Ali, Vincent Ogbulafor, Okwesilieze Nwodo, and then Bamanga Tukur.
Bello Haliru Mohammed and Abubakar Kawu Baraje were appointed to preside in acting capacity.
Lar emerged in 1998 and held the position until he handed over to Gemade in 2002.
Gemade was elected national chairman after a tough competition with the late Sunday Awoniyi to succeed Lar, in part due to zoning rules that favored giving the post to a northerner.
But Gemade’s era was never smooth, coming at a time PDP faced a lot of implosions, aggravated by the face-off between the national headquarters and the Presidency.
He acted almost independently, believing that then President Olusegun Obasanjo would always honour any party decision, forgetting that by PDP’s constitution, the President elected on its platform is the leader of the party.
The contest for the position became fierce among Gemade, Nwodo (who was then National Secretary) and Ogbeh, but the latter emerged victorious, thanks to the weight of Obasanjo, making Gemade’s tenure one of the shortest.
Ogbeh, ostensibly realising the circumstances of his emergence, did not over-reach himself and humbly recognised Obasanjo as the party’s leader and even a godfather.
But their romance did not last for long, as his closeness to Obasanjo’s deputy, then Vice President Atiku Abubakar soon became his undoing at a time the President and his Vice were not having the best of relationship.
But his letter to Obasanjo following the abduction of the Anambra State governor, Chris Ngige, by some policemen and the crisis that ensued fast-tracked his ouster.
It was no surprise that Obasanjo picked Ali, who had worked under him as Education minister when he was head of state as Ogbe’s replacement, first in acting capacity.
Till date, the manner and circumstances surrounding the resignation of Ogbe from that position remains mysterious.
Ali never opposed Obasanjo, and even if he did during the third term saga, he never allowed his dissention known to the public.
Little wonder he remained till the end of Obasanjo’s tenure and supervised the party’s national convention that ushered in the late President Umaru Yar’Adua as Obasanjo’s successor.
Ogbulafor emerged as the consensus choice at the party’s National Convention in 2008, as an alternative to the rival leading candidates- Sam Egwu (who was backed by Obasanjo) and Anyim Pius Anyim, when all 26 other candidates, including Egwu and Anyim, withdrew in his favour.
Ogbulafor was eased out when he fell out of favour with the powers-that-be and forced to resign on the basis of clamour by party members, who felt that he carried a huge moral burden over an allegation of corruption against him.
Nwodo was later chosen in his place.
Even Nwodo did not last too long in that position, as he was off-loaded to take care of some interests, handing over the baton, in interim capacity, to his deputy, Haliru Bello Mohammed from Kebbi State.
He was later appointed Minister of Defence, paving the way for then national secretary, Kawu Baraje, still in acting capacity, who held sway until the election of Bamanga Tukur in March 2012.
Tukur was elected to the position with the support of the Presidency, and indeed, President Goodluck Jonathan, despite not being the choice candidate of his Northeast zone.
This, coupled with his style of leadership, made it a rough ride for Tukur, especially with the state governors, who appear bent on seeing him off, following his controversial decision regarding the Adamawa State executive of the party.
Not only that, some members of the national leadership were not at ease with his style of leadership, as he was alleged to had courted enemies for himself and the President during his tenure through his actions and inactions, especially in the Southwest.
This had re-enforced those opposed to him to push further for his ouster, which many thought was around the corner, if the President must make in road in his perceived second term ambition among the governors, who controlled quite a lot of the party’s voting structure.
Tukur also had the reputation of quarrelling with his National Working Committee (NWC) members and even trying to dislodge them, like he succeeded in doing in some cases, willy-nilly.
The first obvious sign that the umbrella was tearing apart emerged at a mini-convention of the party in Abuja, when some influential members, including former Vice President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar and state governors, and led by Baraje staged a walkout that left many stakeholders dumbfounded.
It seem became the beginning of things to come for the party. It also sent a strong signal and was the first sign that President or Presidency that it was losing grip of its control and influence and indeed hold on the party, as the dissident group became known as the New-PDP or nPDP.
But Tukur carried on like nothing happened, boasting of his clout and merely bandying the matter, even when he was sliding down the political pathway.
After several failed attempts to make him change his ways or have him removed, the Baraje-led group and five governors elected on the party’s platform, having been barred from using the name or acronym PDP by a court of competent jurisdiction, dramatically quit the party in November last year.
The governors are Chibuike Amaechi (Rivers); Abdulfatai Ahmed (Kwara); Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano); Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto); and Murtala Nyako (Adamawa)-.
They later pitched tent with the fledging opposition party, the All Progressive Congress (APC).
Finally, Tukur has gone the way of his predecessors. But unlike them, he left the party in a mess and did more damage to it that ever envisaged by members.
He would be (un)fondly remembered for further polarising the party down the line, leading to the exit of the five governors and the party losing its numerical parliamentary majority in the House of Representatives (and probably in the Senate too when the time comes) due to the defection of some members to the APC.
It bandying remains to be seen whether his exit will actually steer the party back on course, having drifted for so long and so far.
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